Data
This long page describes various aspects of the dataset.
Downloads
Update 2019-08-05: The results dataset download is updated to 2019.
- Results dataset (5.9 MB), including both the base set of data, the estimated data, and the R scripts
to reproduce the latter and the JavaScript data file. (Updated 2015-11-27: After a reader pointed out an anomaly, I modified the TPP estimates to
handle partial preference distributions, resulting in mostly minor changes.)
- Shapefiles containing division boundaries (usually the two most recent redistributions are Ben Raue's,
with me converting to shapefile and tidying up the geometries so that various spatial functions wouldn't throw errors when trying to calculate on them):
Results
The AEC has digital results online from the 1993 election onwards. The files for 1993-1998 and for 2001 available for download
here, and for 2004 till the present they are available from the
Results archive page. For results prior to 1993, I primarily used Adam Carr's
Psephos archive. I did various checks on this data (totals versus sum of primary votes; vote
tallies versus votes transferred during preference distributions, etc.); some preference flow data from the AEC datasets is missing (!), and there are some miscellaneous
typos in the Psephos files. I corrected as much as I could, referring to whichever of Hughes and Graham
(Voting for the Australian House of Representatives, 1901-1964 or
1965-1984) or the AEC's Election Statistics was most convenient for
me. After having worked carefully through many of these (mostly minor) corrections, I learned that the Parliamentary Library has also been working on
a digital dataset, with the AEC cross-checking against its own archives and ironing out errors in published results. When this data is made available,
I will try to update mine.
The available data has changed over time, with much more detailed vote counting available today than in the past. The short history is as follows:
- 1901*-1917: First-past-the-post voting.
- 1919-1980: Preferential voting, but preferences were only distributed until a candidate had more than 50% of the total vote; where a candidate won more
than 50% of the primary vote, we have no preference data for the seat.
- 1983**-1993: Preferences were distributed to completion, and two-party-preferred counts were undertaken for all seats, even in non-classic
divisions (for Newcastle 1987, the two-candidate-preferred count was not done but the two-party-preferred count was done, despite an
independent finishing second!).
- 1996-present: As above, but also with preference flow data. That is, for each candidate, we have the percentage of votes going to each of the two
final candidates in the count (instead of having to estimate this based on the preference distribution, which mixes up the votes from the various excluded
candidates).
*In 1901, South Australia used bloc voting, and Tasmania used Hare-Clark.
**The 1983 election was first counted in the same way as 1919-1980; in 1984, before the ballot papers were destroyed, the AEC conducted
a full distribution of preferences, with the results published in General election of members of the
House of Representatives, 5 March 1983: result of full distribution of preferences. I thank
Mumble (Peter Brent) for
sharing his spreadsheet of the 1983 TPP results, which motivated me to track down
the full results booklet.
For the years where preferences were not distributed to completion, it would still be nice to have approximate figures for the preference flows and
two-party-preferred. There are several different sets of estimates of the TPP; in the spirit of xkcd.com/927, and
not necessarily in the spirit of Colin Hughes* (Australian Two-Party Preferred Votes, 1949-82, downloadable after a fashion from
ADA), I have added my own, detailed below.
*In the introduction to his book of TPP tables (counted and estimated), Hughes writes, entirely reasonably, "it may matter less whether
we say 47.2 percent or 47.5 percent than we all agree to say the same thing and then get on to saying something of greater substance." I figured that
with all the power of modern computing behind me, it would be a shame if I didn't make some effort at writing a script to generate such estimates. As I
describe below, I don't think I've necessarily improved the results, but it was worth a try.
For candidate names I rely on the Wikipedia candidate pages, and with only occasional exceptions, I have not checked the spellings.
Preference flow estimates
My two-party-preferred estimates are based first on estimating the preference flows for each party. In three-candidate contests where the third
candidates preferences were distributed, the preference flow is known exactly. For full preference distributions involving more than three candidates,
I estimate the preference flows in the simplest logical way possible: if some portion of minor candidate A's votes are distributed to minor candidate B, then
that portion of A's preferences are assumed to flow in the same proportions as the rest of the votes in B's pile. This gives reasonable results, but of
course won't always be correct: to take a modern example, PUP voters who preference the Greens ahead of either major party are unlikely to preference
Labor ahead of the Coalition at the same rate as people who vote 1 Green.
For 1996-2013, we can compare the preference flows estimated by this method to the counted flows. The scatter plot of estimated versus true
preference flows for each non-major-party candidate in 2013 is typical:
The correlations are good enough for not to give up on the exercise: for the elections 1996-2013, they are respectively 0.88, 0.91, 0.93, 0.93, 0.92,
0.95, 0.92. It looks like there is a slight bias in the results, with particularly strong preference flows
being under-estimated – a smooth curve through the scatters would be slightly S-shaped rather than straight.
For comparison, a simpler method to estimate TPP flows would be to just use the preferences that went straight to Labor or Coalition. i.e., if
20% of Candidate A's preferences go to Candidate B, 60% go to the Coalition, and 20% go to Labor, then we could estimate the TPP flow to Labor as
20% / (20% + 60%) = 25%. This method gives slightly poorer correlations: 0.86, 0.90, 0.91, 0.90, 0.89, 0.94, 0.92.
Two-party-preferred estimates
The above procedure for the preference flow estimates covers all the cases in the graphs or maps where the preference flows are plotted. But for
two-party-preferred estimates in seats where preferences were not distributed, we need to guess the preference flow from all of the non-major-party
candidates contesting the seat. (Here I'm assuming that there are candidates from both major parties.) I guess these preference flows with some
"rough-and-ready" stats that might betray my lack of serious statistical training, and which shouldn't be treated as magic, but which I think does OK
anyway.
First, I create a time series – one number for each election – starting with mean known or estimated preference flows for each party.
(The mean is calculated as the simple average of the flows for an election, i.e., it is not weighted by number of votes for the party in each seat. This
is probably the wrong thing to do.) There may not be many observations in these figures, since preferences were only occasionally distributed, so I
regress each flow towards 50% according to some eyeballed/fudged parameters: assume a Bayesian prior of mean 50% and standard deviation 15
percentage points, and an measurement of flow \( f \) from \( N \) observations with uncertainty \( 12 / \sqrt{N} \). Then,
I have the consolation of having more unbiased TPP estimates than Psephos or Mackerras, but I wouldn't read too much into that – in three out of
the next eleven elections, my estimates were biased at least as much as Mackerras's were in 1983.
(Mackerras's estimates were published in Double Dissolution Election, March 5, 1983: Statistical
Analysis.)
Still, it was a fun exercise to try, and there's scope for some improvement, should anyone want yet another set of TPP estimates. In particular,
I think that the strong preference flows could be modelled better (following the S curve of the scatter plots mentioned earlier), and I also think that, at least
in the case of the DLP, it would be better to separate preference flows by state (or rather, separate by Victoria and rest-of-Australia). DLP preferences
in Victoria flowed more strongly to the Coalition than they did in other states, and by using the national averages, I think I've under-estimated the
Coalition's share of the national TPP by a smidgen (and the Victorian TPP by quite a bigger smidgen) throughout the DLP's strongest years. Finally, I ignored
donkey votes, which severely distort the preference flows of small parties, and which should be accounted for both when estimating average preference
flows from a party, and when applying them to a given seat.
There remains the question of what to do with seats not contested by both major parties – an occurrence that was once quite frequent (Labor didn't
contest Wimmera for any election between 1914 and 1937 inclusive). In the case of one non-TPP election with TPP elections immediately before and after,
I apply the state TPP swings forwards and backwards and average the two figures to generated my guessed TPP. For longer sequences of non-TPP
elections, I just chain the swings together. The results might be somewhat fanciful, and they are excluded from scatter plots, but it is useful to have
these seats' TPP's guessed so that state and national totals are more reflective of what they would have been if all voters had had the choice between
Labor and Coalition.
A page of TPP tables is here.
Party affiliations
I spent a while checking the party affiliations of candidates. Many of these are obscure and of little interest. I have one section on issues with
the Victorian Country Party, followed by some miscellaneous notes. Party affiliations in the early years are sometimes unclear. References to
"Hawker" are to Politicians All: The Candidates for the Australian Commonwealth Election 1901:
A Collective Biography.
Victorian Country Party, 1934-43
I'm writing this section not because I think it's an original contribution to Australian political history, but rather in the hope that it helps
provoke a better organisation of the Wikipedia entries and tables on this subject. See also
this
talk page comment by Frickeg, which gives an overview in the form of a chronological set of Trove references mostly about Alex Wilson, and which
I borrow from below. I don't claim that these notes are a properly complete summary – in particular, it will be worth looking up the Labor-UCP
relations in the state parliament – but hopefully they'll help.
I'll quote from Ulrich Ellis, A History of the Australian Country Party [1]. From p204, on the 1934 election:
Any hope of an electoral agreement in Victoria was destroyed by a fresh conflict in the state Country Party organization. The central council
required all candidates, state as well as federal—to sign a pledge. This committed signatories to stand down from contests if not endorsed; to
refrain from voting in parliament against majority decisions of the party caucus even on matters outside official party policy; and to refuse to
support a composite government without the approval of the Victorian organization. All sitting federal members (T. Paterson, Q. C. Hill,
W. G. Gibson, H. McClelland and Senator R. D. Elliott) refused to conform. Hill announced his retirement and the Echuca seat became a battle-ground.
Two candidates supporting the federal faction were nominated. A Labor candidate entered the contest. The Victorian organization entered the lists
with a young candidate named John McEwen who had signed the pledge.
The newspapers at the time distinguished Australian Country Party (ACP; Coalitionist) candidates from United Country Party (UCP; the
Victorian anti-Coalitionist) candidates, and the Wikipedia tables replicate the affiliations given in the Argus's
results tables [2]. But the line between the two camps is often blurry to me as I read the old newspapers (which is perhaps not
surprising, for what was essentially an internal party struggle). As an example of this, I present below some news report excerpts concerning the
campaign in Echuca, which was contested by three Country Party candidates (and one ALP candidate) – McEwen (UCP), Stewart (ACP in the Argus's
results tables) and Moss (also ACP in the tables). This designation of ACP is consistent with the Ellis excerpt above and also with
this report on 7 August [3]:
Both Mr Moss and Mr Stewart stated that they would not sign the pledge, but that they were quite prepared to sign the party platform
and loyally support its programme.
But (13 August) [4]:
The Echuca branch of the United Country party has agreed to support the following candidates for the Echuca seat:—Messrs.
J. McEwen, W. Moss, and Galloway Stewart. It was decided to abide by the decision of the Shepparton conference that members should exercise
their preferences according to their discretion.
On the other hand (30 August) [5]:
He (Mr Stewart) was not endorsed by the Country Party because he would not subscribe to its new nomination form. He was not
prepared, in the event of being elected, to do what he was told to do by the majority of Country Party members in the House. He must remain
free and unshackled to carry out the wishes of the electors.
Very clear ACP/UCP lines appear to be drawn when Earle Page turned up (1 September)
[6]:
Dr. Page on his arrival was disturbed to learn that he had been advertised as speaking on behalf of Mr. Galloway Stewart. He made
it clear that he spoke on behalf of the two Australian Country Party candidates, and that he urged voters to give first preference to either Mr.
Moss or Mr. Stewart, their third preference to Mr. McEwen, Victorian Country party candidate, with Labor last.
But just to throw a spanner in the works, a letter from some Stewart supporters
on 14 September says that McEwen and Moss swapped preference recommendations [7]:
We notice by the official "tickets" issued by the other two country party candidates that Mr Galloway Stewart has been relegated
to third preference.
And indeed, Moss's preferences split 2:1 in favour of McEwen over Stewart, with McEwen then easily defeating Stewart on Labor preferences.
From p207 of [1]:
When the central council devised a pledge to be signed by all candidates, federal and state, the federal members revolted and challenged its
legality and soundness. The party's federal rules merely provided that the party might not 'form an alliance with any other political organization
which does not preserve intact the entity of the Australian Country Party Association'. This was the situation existing when nominations were called
for the federal elections. The Victorian party nominated its own candidates in a number of seats but only one, John McEwen, succeeded. Upon his
election he immediately associated himself with the federal party and incurred the hostility of his Victorian colleagues for urging that the breach be
healed.
Still, overall I'm happy enough with the ACP and UCP designations as given in the Argus's results tables, and as currently in the Wikipedia tables.
Generally in my dataset, I've tried to designate party affiliations based on their campaigns, and not by their actions in the subsequent parliament
(where relevant).
At least superficially, tensions in the party in the leadup to the 1937 election seem (in my reading) lower than in 1934. Only in Wimmera was there
more than one CP candidate, with the sitting member (and Coalitionist) Hugh McClelland losing
the UCP pre-selection to Alex Wilson [8]:
Despite the result of the ballot, Mr. McClelland announced last night that he would contest the seat as an unendorsed Country
party candidate.
...
Mr. Wilson is a member of the central council of the party, and he is claimed as a strong opponent of composite Ministries. Mr.
McClelland is a supporter of the Federal Composite Ministry.
Later from the same article:
The Minister for the Interior (Mr. Paterson) and Mr. McEwen, the other retiring Country party candidates in Victoria, have
been endorsed by the Victorian central council for Gippsland and Indi respectively. Mr. Paterson and Mr. McEwen are supporters of the
Federal composite Ministry.
The Wimmera contest was certainly split along Coalitionist v Anti-coalitionist
lines [9]:
Mr. McClelland has received strong assistance from the leader of the Federal County party (Dr. Page), and Mr. Wilson has been
assisted by two State Ministers—Mr. Bussau and Mr. Old.
The Argus results tables [10] refer to all of the endorsed Country candidates
as UCP. Despite the Wimmera contest, the split doesn't appear as official or official-ish as in 1934 (and 1940, below), and so I have left all candidates
in my dataset as "CP" with McClelland "Ind CP".
Of the four elected CP members from Victoria, two were from the anti-Coalitionist side of the party. Ellis writes (p220 of [1]):
A representative of the Victorian Country Party, Alexander Wilson, unseated the sitting member (Hugh McClelland) in Wimmera. As the loss
of the Indi seat in 1928 sealed the fate of the Bruce-Page government, so the loss of Wimmera assisted a few years later to defeat a government. Wilson
remained aloof from the federal party but G. H. Rankin, the Chief President of the Victorian organization, who won the Bendigo seat from the United
Australia Party, incurred the wrath of his colleagues by joining the federal parliamentary party immediately.
(Rankin's subsequent backdown, mentioned in his ADB entry [11],
occurred in May 1939 [12], as he ceased meeting with the federal parliamentary
Country Party.
Any superficial truce between the two Victorian factions certainly ended soon after the election. John McEwen accepted a position as Minister for the
Interior, and the UCP expelled him from the party [13]:
"In view of Mr. McEwen's failure to observe the rules of the Victorian United Country party in the acceptance of a portfolio
in the Lyons composite Government and his lack of loyalty to endorsed Parliamentary candidates of the party at the recent Federal election,
this central council decides to cancel his membership of the Victorian United Country party."
At the 1938 party conference, Thomas Paterson (Coalitionist) resigned from the UCP in protest, with a
hundred others leaving the conference with him [14]. He formed the Liberal
Country Party [15], which ended up standing two candidates in the 1940 federal election (Paterson and McEwen themselves).
Meanwhile, Alex Wilson followed the anti-Coalitionist principles of his faction of the UCP. Paterson said
of him [16]:
...the attitude of Mr Wilson, M.H.R. for Wimmera, sitting in isolation, refusing to associate himself with those who should be
his colleagues, generally voting with the Labour Party against his colleagues and weakening the effectiveness of the Party in that way.
June 1939 [17]:
The secretary of the party (Mr. D. R. Downey) announced yesterday that Mr. A. Wilson, the sitting member, was the only applicant for
endorsement for the Wimmera electorate.
Wilson did nevertheless face Country Party opposition in 1940, in the form of Hugh McClelland, whom Wilson had defeated in 1937 and who ran as
Ind CP. With a Labour candidate and an independent also nominating, a flavour of the allegiances can be gleaned
from this Argus report [18] in the week before the election:
[T]he closest observers admit that it is impossible at this stage to predict whether Mr. Alex Wilson (U.C.P.) will be re-elected, or
Mr. McClelland (Ind. C.P.), or Mr. M. M. Nolan (Lab.) will displace him.
...
Nomination of a Labour candidate at this election must take many votes from Mr. Wilson, who, however, probably commands more U.C.P. support than when
he displaced Mr. McClelland three years ago.
The election probably will be decided by third position in the primary count. If Labour fills that position Mr. Wilson is almost certain of
re-election. If Mr. McClelland is third his votes probably will carry Mr. Wilson in, but if Mr. Wilson is placed third the Labour candidate may draw
enough support to win. Because of the splitting of the U.C.P. vote the Labour candidate may lead in primaries.
In the event, Wilson won a fairly commanding 44% of the primary vote, and with over 80% of Labour's preferences, he defeated McClelland 66-34 on
two-candidate-preferred. The result of the election was a hung parliament. Ellis writes (p257 of [1]):
Two independents held the balance of power if they chose to use it—A. Wilson (a member of the previous parliament) and A. W.
Coles who, as an independent expressing sympathy with the United Australia Party, had captured the seat that had been Sir Henry Gullett's.
The designation of "independent" certainly describes Wilson's actions in parliament, which most notably included crossing the floor to bring
down the Fadden government. And in an article about the coming merger of the LCP and UCP, there
is mention that [19]
Later, Mr. Wilson, who has consistently supported the Federal Labor Government and whose attitude encouraged Mr Curtin to make his
successful bid for office was also 'carpeted' by a capricious central council for daring to label himself an independent.
In April 1943, a union of the Victorian Country parties was close [20]:
In his speech to delegates, Mr McEwen emphasised that the proposal was to form a new party representing country interests. He expressed the
view that it would not now be difficult to bridge the gulf between the two parties, particularly as the UCP had reversed its previous policy preventing
its Federal parliamentary representatives from other States....
...
"We have seen Major General Rankin and Mr Wilson instructed not to attend meetings of the Australian Country party. We have seen that instruction
revoked and these two members authorised to attend ACP meetings. Mr Rankin has continuously attended for at least two years."
Nevertheless, Wilson remained committed to independence in the parliament and also committed to the UCP, where he still commanded some support.
("He can rightly be termed a modern Abraham Lincoln," said one member of the UCP Central
Council [21]). He retained Wimmera with over 60% of the primary vote, not opposed by any endorsed CP candidates.
The Argus results tables [22] designate him "CP" along with all other endorsed
Country candidates; given his unusual position, I have called him "UCP" for the 1943 election in my dataset.
(He quit parliament in 1945, mercifully ending my struggles in deciding how to label Victorian Country Party candidates.)
[1] Ulrich Ellis, A History of the Australian Country Party, MUP (1963).
[2] Argus, 17 Sep 1934, p10.
[3] Numurkah Leader, 7 Aug 1934, p3, "Federal Elections".
[4] Argus, 13 Aug 1934, p6, "Echuca Seat".
[5] Kilmore Free Press, 30 Aug 1934, p3, "Mr Galloway Stewart".
[6] Shepparton Advertiser, 1 Sep 1934, "Fire infused into Echuca campaign".
[7] Riverine Herald, 14 Sep 1934, p3, "Mr Galloway Stewart's candidature".
[8] Argus, 25 Sep 1937, p1, "Defeated in selection".
[9] Argus, 20 Oct 1937, p4, "Keen Campaign In Wimmera".
[10] Argus, 25 Oct 1937, p4.
[11] Malcolm Saunders, 'Rankin, George James (1887–1957)',
Australian Dictionary of Biography.
[12] Argus, 4 May 1939, p2, "Victorian Member".
[13] Argus, 7 Dec 1937, p1, "C.P. Minister Is Expelled".
[14] Argus, 30 Mar 1938, p1, "100 Leave C.P. Conference".
[15] Argus, 31 Mar 1938, p1, "Breach in C.P. Widened".
[16] Morwell Advertiser, 21 Jul 1938, p3, "Liberal Country Party".
[17] Argus, 5 June 1939, p4, "Federal Seats".
[18] Argus, 16 Sep 1940, p5, "Three Country Seats".
[19] Shepparton Advertiser, 26 Jan 1943, p3, "Reconciliation Pitfalls
For Country Party".
[20] Shepparton Advertiser, 6 Apr 1943, p3, "LCP Favors Fusion With UCP In
New Political Party".
[21] Horsham Times, 20 Jul 1943, p1, "Mr. Wilson Will Hold Wimmera".
[22] Argus, 23 Aug 1943, p4.
1901
Lang
Mitchell, Ind. I could find little about this candidate; usually no party affiliation given by SMH [1]; the Muswellbrook Chronicle in their results [2] call him Protectionist. H&G say Ind Prot; Hawker says Prot; I have called him Ind.
[1] SMH, 29 March 1901, p7, "Candidates in the States".
[2] Muswellbrook Chronicle, 3 Apr 1901, p4, "Federal Elections".
New England
Simpson, Ind. Hawker describes him as the "second" freetrader, but I have called him Ind following [1], where he says that "he would give, if elected, the Barton Government a fair trial".
[1] SMH, 19 Feb 1901, p6, "New England".
Wannon
Cussen, Ind Prot. "If elected he would give his support to Mr Barton" [1]
[1] Portland Guardian, 18 Mar 1901, p3, "The Federal Election".
1903
Capricornia
Ryan, Ind Prot.
[1] Capricornian, 26 Dec 1903, p20.
[2] ADB.
Northern Melbourne
Painter, Ind Prot. 'Protectionist "up to the hilt"'
[1] North Melbourne Courier and West Melbourne Advertiser, 13 Nov 1903, p2, "Mr. S. Painter's Candidature".
1906
Batman
Painter, Ind. Perhaps should be Ind Prot again?
[1] Argus, 11 Dec 1906, p4, "Batman".
Batman
Vernon, Ind Prot.
[1] Argus, 28 Sep 1906, p5, "Federal Politics".
1910
Oxley
Dent, Ind. The Courier said that "Mr. Dent is standing in the democratic interest", correcting an article in which they called him Labour.
[1] Brisbane Courier, 10 Apr 1910, p6, "A Correction".
Bass
Storrer, Ind Lib. Apparently Storrer was opposed to the Liberal Fusion, but he had plenty of official Liberal support, and I've called him Ind Lib rather than Ind Prot.
[1] Examiner, 1 Mar 1910, p6, "Bass".
1913
Henty
Hewison, Ind Lib. A Liberal who withdrew after arbitration, leaving Boyd as the endorsed Liberal
[1] Argus, 9 May 1913, p6, "Henty Arbitration".
1914
Gippsland
Wise, Ind Lib. Called himself a Liberal; was opposed to the Fusion. Apparently he often voted with Labor, but I've called him Ind Lib.
[1] Argus, 16 Sep 1914, p12, "Mr. Wise Returns Thanks".
1919
Brisbane
Boland, Ind. "[H]e had emerged... as an independent in search of some congenial and honest party. He regretted that sincerity could not be found in any of the organisations with which he had been associated." [1] Another Boland ran as a state candidate, apparently as a Nationalist [2].
[1] Brisbane Telegraph, 21 Nov 1919, p9, "Federal Elections".
[2] Argus, 22 Dec 1919, p7, "Queensland By-elections".
1922
West Sydney
Bryde, Prot Lab. Protestant Labour.
[1] SMH, 11 Dec 1922, p10, "Mr. T. G. Bryde at Glebe.".
Henty
Francis, Nat. Sometimes called Ind Nat [1]; sometimes just Nat [2]. I've followed H&G and called him Nat, with hesitation.
[1] Argus, 23 Dec 1922, p9, "Henty".
[2] Argus, 30 Nov 1922, p9, "Henty".
Kooyong
Best, Nat. Usually referred to as Ind Nat by the papers, but I've left him as Nat, on the grounds that no other Nationalist candidate ran against him.
[1] Argus, 7 Dec 1922, p10, "Kooyong".
Northern Territory
Love, NTRL. Northern Territory Representation League
[1] Northern Territory Times and Gazette 11 Nov 1922, p7, "A.C. Love Selected".
Northern Territory
Nelson, ALP. According to ADB, he ran as an independent with union support, and joined the Labor Party after the election. Following Psephos I've called him ALP.
[1] ADB.
1925
Calare
Southwick, Ind. H&G say Ind Nat, but I prefer Ind [1]. "The people must get rid of both parties, and get down to solid work."
[1] Wellington Times, 12 Nov 1925, p10, "Federal Elections".
1928
Gippsland
Wise, Ind Lib. Independent Liberal.
[1] Traralgon Record, 30 Oct 1928, p3, "Federal Elections".
Flinders
Robertson, Ind. I found one reference to him as Ind Nat [1], but generally in what little there was of him in the papers, he was just described as an independent (e.g., [2])
[1] Burnie Advocate, 19 Nov 1928, p5, "A Lost Deposit".
[2] Burnie Advocate, 18 Oct 1928, p6, "Mr. Bruce's Seat.".
1940
East Sydney
Phillips, Atok. Phillips called himself an "Atokist" [1] and this was good enough for the SMH in its results tables [2], albeit with scare quotes.
[1] Advertiser, 6 Sep 1940, p18, '"Atokist" And "Non-Nazi" To Stand'.
[2] SMH, 23 Sep 1940, p11, "The Latest Details of Polling in All States".
Wannon
Crawford, Ind CP.
[1] Horsham Times, 20 Sep 1940, p1, "The Battle for Wannon".
Yarra
Gibson, Soc. Gibson was a communist; usually referred to as an independent during the campaign [1], but was designated Soc in the results tables [2]
[1] Argus, 19 Sep 1940, p5, "Candidates Are Saying".
[2] SMH, 23 Sep 1940, p11, "The Latest Details of Polling in All States".
1943
Northern Territory
Murray, Ind Lab. Murray did not have endorsement of the federal party, and called himself an independent Labor candidate
[1] Adelaide News, 19 July 1943, p5, "Territory Election".
1946
Newcastle
Ellis, Service. The Service Party was a distinct entity from the Services Party, though I think its only candidate was Ellis in Newcastle.
[1] Newcastle Morning Herald and Miners' Advocate, 8 Aug 1946, p9, "Services' Party Candidate".
Northern Territory
Wallman, Ind Lab. Endorsed by (some branches of?) NT Labor contra federal party
[1] Northern Standard 27 Sep 1946, p6, "Wallman Stands As Endorsed Labour Candidate".
1949
Wide Bay
McDowell, Ind Lab. McDowell called himself "Democratic Labour"; I've coded this as Ind Lab.
[1] Maryborough Chronicle, 10 Nov 1949, p1, "Mayor To Contest Wide Bay Federal Electorate".
1954
Warringah
White, Ind Lib. White was an unendorsed Liberal.
[1] SMH, 22 May 1954, p4, "Liberals Clash At Warringah".
1955
McPherson
Green, Ind CP.
[1] Canberra Times, 1 Nov 1955, p1, "Two to Contest Fadden's C.P. Selection".
1975
Werriwa
Keep, Ind. Canberra Times and SMH tables say "HOPP", but don't say what that might stand for; official Election Statistics has blank.
[1] Canberra Times, 15 Dec 1975, p10, "Results up to close of counting".
Kingston
Oakley, Ind. Canberra Times and SMH tables say Workers Party, but the official Election Statistics and the Parliamentary Handbook say independent. Oakley later stood as a Progress candidate (the re-named Workers Party); I edited Wikipedia to say WP, but ended up leaving her as an independent in my dataset.
[1] Canberra Times, 15 Dec 1975, p10, "Results up to close of counting".
Maps
I digitised the maps until the recent redistributions covered by the Tally Room myself, working either from
Commonwealth of Australia, 1901-1988, electoral redistributions ("the AEC book") or the
official redistribution maps. The maps have been heavily simplified for fast loading on the web; the shapefiles available for download above are not so
heavily simplified but are riddled with various hopefully minor errors. I had never tried digitising a map before this project, and I expect frequent
errors of 10+km in regional areas when working off the AEC book (on one occasion, when joining up a map of Sydney surrounds to the rest of New South
Wales, there was a difference of 0.2 degrees between my two georeferencing attempts; I'd like to think that I fixed that isolated mishap, but I can't
claim too much confidence either in fixing it well or in calling it isolated). Georeferencing in many outer metro areas is also likely poor, as the
printed maps run out of control points for me to use. (The pages in that book are enormous, so I just took photos of them rather than scanning, which
probably didn't help.)
I had particular trouble with the Victorian maps, in some cases because I didn't know what I was doing and in some cases because the AEC's maps were
drawn incorrectly. For the 1949 redistribution, I used the Argus election supplement
of 7 December to help interpret a supposed division labelled Fitzroy and to locate the unlabelled (and very subtly drawn) La Trobe. The AEC book's 1989
redistribution contains at least one clear error of several hundred metres: part of the boundary between Aston and La Trobe runs along the railway in the
image below, but the map has it drawn separately.
Antony Green has hand-drawn quite a few maps of various electorates (working, I presume, off the actual descriptions), and put these on his
electorate profile pages (e.g., Deakin). I could have lifted Antony's
shapefiles to get most of the metro areas accurate to the street in the years that Antony covers, but instead I used them only as an occasional guide
where I was totally lost, and as a benchmark to check the quality of my georeferencing. Here is a picture of Deakin 1989 (me: red; Antony: sky blue):